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| {{main|Kiowa language}}
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| The most thorough treatment of the '''[[Kiowa language|Kiowa]] [[phonology|sound system]]''' is by Laurel Watkins in a [[generative linguistics|generative]] framework. A consideration of prosodic phenomena with [[Acoustic phonetics|acoustic]] analysis is in Sivertsen (1956). Earlier discussions of [[phonemics]] are Trager (1960), Merrifield (1959), Wonderly et al. (1954), and Harrington (1928). | |
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| ==Segments==
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| ===Consonants===
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| The 23 [[consonant]]s of Kiowa:
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| :{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"
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| ! colspan="2" |
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| ! [[Bilabial]]
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| ! [[Dental consonant|Dental]]
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| ! [[Alveolar consonant|Alveolar]]
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| ! [[Palatal consonant|Palatal]]
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| ! [[Velar consonant|Velar]]
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| ! [[Glottal consonant|Glottal]]
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| |-
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| ! rowspan="4" | [[Plosive consonant|Plosive]] and<br/>[[Affricate consonant|affricate]]
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| ! <small>[[Voice onset time|voiced]]</small>
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| | {{IPA|b}}
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| | {{IPA|d}}
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| | {{IPA|ɡ}}
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| |-
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| !<small>[[Voice onset time|voiceless]]</small>
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| | {{IPA|p}}
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| | {{IPA|t}}
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| | {{IPA|ts}}
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| | {{IPA|k}}
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| | {{IPA|ʔ}}
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| |-
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| !<small>[[Voice onset time|aspirated]]</small>
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| | {{IPA|pʰ}}
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| | {{IPA|tʰ}}
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| | {{IPA|kʰ}}
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| |-
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| ! <small>[[ejective]]</small>
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| | {{IPA|pʼ}}
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| | {{IPA|tʼ}}
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| | {{IPA|tsʼ}}
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| | {{IPA|kʼ}}
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| |-
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| ! rowspan="2" | [[Fricative consonant|Fricative]]
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| ! <small>voiceless</small>
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| | {{IPA|s}}
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| | {{IPA|ç}}
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| | {{IPA|h}}
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| |-
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| ! <small>voiced</small>
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| | {{IPA|z}}
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| |-
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| ! colspan="2"|[[Nasal stop|Nasal]]
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| | {{IPA|m}}
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| | {{IPA|n}}
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| |-
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| ! colspan="2" | [[Approximant consonant|Approximant]]
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| | {{IPA|(w)}}
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| | {{IPA|l}}
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| | {{IPA|j}}
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| |}
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| In the orthography (used here) of the native Kiowa speaker, Parker McKenzie, who collaborated with both J.P. Harrington and Laurel Watkins, these are represented as below (parenthetic letters are used only at the end of the syllable):
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| :{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"
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| ! colspan="2" |
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| ! [[Bilabial]]
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| ! [[Dental consonant|Dental]]
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| ! [[Alveolar consonant|Alveolar]]
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| ! [[Palatal consonant|Palatal]]
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| ! [[Velar consonant|Velar]]
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| ! [[Glottal consonant|Glottal]]
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| |-
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| ! rowspan="4" | [[Plosive consonant|Plosive]] and<br/>[[Affricate consonant|affricate]]
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| ! <small>[[Voice onset time|voiced]]</small>
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| | b
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| | d
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| | g
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| |-
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| !<small>[[Voice onset time|voiceless]]</small>
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| | f (p)
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| | j (t)
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| | ch
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| | c (k)
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| | (t)
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| |-
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| !<small>[[Voice onset time|aspirated]]</small>
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| | p
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| | t
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| | k
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| |-
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| ! <small>[[ejective]]</small>
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| | v
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| | th
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| | x
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| | q
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| |-
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| ! rowspan="2" | [[Fricative consonant|Fricative]]
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| ! <small>voiceless</small>
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| | s
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| | sy
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| | h
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| |-
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| ! <small>voiced</small>
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| | z
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| |-
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| ! colspan="2"|[[Nasal stop|Nasal]]
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| | m
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| | n
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| |-
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| ! colspan="2" | [[Approximant consonant|Approximant]]
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| | w
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| | l
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| | y
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| |}
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| * The [[Voiced labio-velar approximant|labio-velar]] glide {{IPA|[w]}} is only found in [[Comanche language|Comanche]] [[loanword]]s or in some [[interjection]]s like {{IPA|[wéː]}} (an expression used to welcome travelers).<ref>Sounds restricted to interjections are usually considered marginal. Compare the use of a [[voiceless bilabial fricative]] {{IPA|[ɸ]}} in ''whew!'' or a [[voiceless velar fricative]] {{IPA|[x]}} in ''ugh!'' in [[American English]].</ref> A [[phonetic]] {{IPA|[w]}} [[offglide]] also occurs after the mid back vowel {{IPA|/o/}}.
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| * The [[voiceless palatal fricative|palatal fricative]] {{IPA|ç}} is found only in two cognate roots, the singular and nonsingular suppletive pair for “small”, ''syáun'' {{IPA|[çɔ̃́n]}} and ''syân'' {{IPA|[çæ̃^n]}} (as well as in their derivatives, like the adverbials ''syáundé'' “a little”, ''syândè'' “in small portions”). The pronunciation {{IPA|[sj]}} is occasionally heard for ''sy'', suggesting that {{IPA|[ç]}} might arise by assimilation from /sj/.
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| * Voiceless {{IPA|/p, t/}} when followed by another consonant (and, thus, also syllable-final) are typically reduced to a glottal stop {{IPA|[ʔ]}}. In careful speech, the bilabial and dental articulations are preserved. Example: ''bat fā́u'' {{IPA|/batpɔ́ː/}} "eat (imperfective, 2nd person singular)" is {{IPA|[baʔpɔ́ː]}} in casual speech.
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| * Ejectives {{IPA|/pʼ, tʼ, tsʼ, kʼ/}} are strongly articulated.<ref>This is in contrast to the ejectives in the distantly related [[Taos language|Taos]], which are weakly articulated.</ref>
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| * ''Glottal stops''.
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| ** The [[glottal stop]] {{IPA|/ʔ/}} is typically deleted in normal speech. However, in carefully articulated citation forms, the glottal stop is retained. For example, the word ''v<u>á</u>u<u>ā́</u>u'' {{IPA|/pʼɔ̃́ʔɔ̃́ː/}} "wash" is usually pronounced {{IPA|[pʼɔ̃́ː]}} in connected speech.<ref>Watkins notes the stress may affect the retention of the glottal stop although stress and its effect require further research.</ref>
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| ** Phonetic glottal stops are also automatically inserted after [[morpheme]]-final short vowels before [[concatenation]].
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| ** Other phonetic glottal stops are [[allophone]]s of syllable-final oral stops {{IPA|/p, t/}} (see above)<ref>Note that {{IPA|/p, t/}} are the only oral stops that occur in syllable-final position. (See the [[#Syllable and phonotactics|syllable section]].)</ref> or a [[phonation]] effect of the falling tone.
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| * Velar consonants palatalize before the low front vowel /a/. This vowel then fronts further, from /a/ to [æ] (see Vowels below). Being automatic (like aspiration in English), this palatalization is not indicated in McKenzie's orthography. Examples with all four velars are: ''qám'' {{IPA|[kʲʼæ̃´m]}} “lazy”, ''cáp'' {{IPA|[kʲǽp]}} “onwards”, ''kál'' {{IPA|[kʰʲǽᵈl]}} “wet”, ''-gà'' {{IPA|[ɡʲæ]}} “in”. (Exceptions to this rule arise only in loanwords and are indicated by an apostrophe: ''c'ā́bòlī̀'' {{IPA|[káːbòlìː]}} “sheep”, ''c'átlìn'' {{IPA|[kǽtlɪ̃n]}} “sharpshooter”.)
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| * The dental [[sonorant]]s {{IPA|/n, l/}} were [[palatalization|palatalized]] {{IPA|[nʲ, lʲ]}} before the high front vowel {{IPA|/i/}} in previous generations, though this is not generally heard in current elder’s speech: ''b<u>ṓ</u>nî'' {{IPA|/bṍːnîː/}} "see (imperfective hearsay)" as {{IPA|[bṍːwnʲĩ̂ː]}}, ''tàlī́'' {{IPA|/tʰàlíː/}} "boy" as {{IPA|[tʰàlʲíː]}}.
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| * Lateral {{IPA|/l/}} is slightly [[affricated]] at the end of [[syllable]]s as {{IPA|[ᵈl]}}. At the end of [[utterance]]s, the affricate is partially devoiced. Examples: ''gúldā̀u'' {{IPA|/ɡúldɔ̀ː/}} "to be red" as {{IPA|[ɡúᵈldɔ̀ː]}}, ''sál'' {{IPA|/sál/}} "to be hot" as {{IPA|[sáᵈ̥l̥]}}.
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| * The nasality of the vowels spreads onto following offglides: ''k<u>á</u>ui'' {{IPA|/kʰɔ̃́j/}} "bark, rind" is {{IPA|[kʰɔ̃́ȷ̃]}}.
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| ====Alternations====
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| {{Empty section|date=June 2008}}
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| ===Vowels===
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| {{Expand section|date=June 2008}}
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| Kiowa has six contrasting [[vowel]] qualities with three heights and a front-back distinction. Additionally, there is an oral-[[nasalization|nasal]] contrast on all six vowels. For example, nasality is the only difference between ''ā́u'' {{IPA|/ʔɔ́ː/}} "to gamble" and ''<u>ā́</u>u'' {{IPA|/ʔɔ̃́ː/}} "to give".
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| {{col-begin}}
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| {{col-3}}
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| :{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"
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| |+ Oral vowels
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| !
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| ! [[Front vowel|Front]]
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| ! [[Back vowel|Back]]
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| |-
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| ! [[Close vowel|High]]
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| | {{IPA|i}}
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| | {{IPA|u}}
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| |-
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| ! [[Mid vowel|Mid]]
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| | {{IPA|e}}
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| | {{IPA|o}}
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| |-
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| ! [[Open vowel|Low]]
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| | {{IPA|a}}
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| | {{IPA|ɔ}}
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| |}
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| {{col-3}}
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| :{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"
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| |+ Nasal vowels
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| !
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| ! [[Front vowel|Front]]
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| ! [[Back vowel|Back]]
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| |-
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| ! [[Close vowel|High]]
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| | {{IPA|ĩ}}
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| | {{IPA|ũ}}
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| |-
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| ! [[Mid vowel|Mid]]
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| | {{IPA|ẽ}}
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| | {{IPA|õ}}
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| |-
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| ! [[Open vowel|Low]]
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| | {{IPA|ã}}
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| | {{IPA|ɔ̃}}
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| |}
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| {{col-3}}
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| {{col-end}}
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| The oral-nasal contrast, however, is [[Phoneme#Neutralization, archiphoneme, underspecification|neutralized]] in the environment of [[nasal stop|nasal consonants]], where only nasalized vowels occur. Watkins phonemicizes an oral vowel in these contexts: ''mā́'' {{IPA|/máː/}} "up" is phonetically {{IPA|[mã́ː]}}, ''máun'' {{IPA|/mɔ́n/}} "probably" is phonetically {{IPA|[mɔ̃́n]}}.
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| Kiowa vowels have an underlying two-way length contrast (short vs. long). However, a number of phonological issues restrict the length contrast. (See the [[#Vowel length|vowel length section]] for details.)
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| * The high vowels {{IPA|/i, u/}} are lowered to {{IPA|[ɪ, ʊ]}} when they occur before nasal consonants {{IPA|/m, n/}}: ''bímkàui'' {{IPA|/bímkʰɔ̀j/}} "bag" is phonetically {{IPA|[bɪ̃́mkʰɔ̀j]}}, ''gún'' {{IPA|/ɡún/}} "to dance (perfective)" is phonetically {{IPA|[ɡʊ̃́n]}}.
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| * Long mid vowels {{IPA|/eː, oː/}} are followed by [[homorganic]] offglides: ''hḗbà'' {{IPA|/héːbà/}} "to enter" as {{IPA|[héːjbà]}}, ''jṓcà'' {{IPA|/tóːkià/}} "at the house" as {{IPA|[tóːwkjæ̀]}}. The offglides are considered sub-phonemic as they are predictable.
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| * Low {{IPA|/ɔ/}} is only slightly [[Roundedness|rounded]] — its position varying between [[Open-mid back rounded vowel|lower-mid]] to [[Open back rounded vowel|low]] {{IPA|[ɔ~ɒ]}}. When it is short and in open syllables, it is [[Centralization (phonetics)|centralized]] approaching [[Open-mid central rounded vowel|central]] {{IPA|[ɞ]}}: ''dàufôm'' {{IPA|/dɔ̀pôm/}} {{IPA|[dɞ̀pôm]}} "despicable".
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| * The {{IPA|/a/}} of the diphthong {{IPA|/ia/}} is fronted and raised when long as {{IPA|[æː]}} and is raised further when it precedes a nasal consonant: ''q<u>ā́</u>h<u>ĩ̂</u>'' {{IPA|/kʼiã́ːhĩ̂ː/}} "man" → {{IPA|[kʼjæ̃́ːhĩ̂ː]}}, ''qám'' {{IPA|/kʼiám/}} "to be lazy" → {{IPA|[kʼjɛ̃́m]}}.
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| <!-- Kiowa also has four [[diphthong]]s of the form ''vowel'' + {{IPA|/j/}}.
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| :{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center;"
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| |+ Diphthongs
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| !
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| ! Front
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| ! Back
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| |-
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| | '''High'''
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| | {{IPA|uj}}
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| |-
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| | '''Mid'''
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| | {{IPA|oj}}
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| |-
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| | '''Low'''
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| | {{IPA|aj}}
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| | {{IPA|ɔj}}
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| |}
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| --> | |
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| ==Prosody==
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| {{Expand section|date=June 2008}}
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| ===Vowel length===
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| {{Expand section|date=June 2008}}
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| Vowel length is only contrastive in open syllables.
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| Closed syllables only have phonetic short vowels. Underlying long vowels are shortened in this position (note morphophonemic alternations).
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| Initial syllable shortening.
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| ===Tone===
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| {{Expand section|date=June 2008}}
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| Kiowa has three tones: ''high'', ''low'', ''falling''. No minimal triple is available, but the distinctions can be illustrated pairwise: ''à'' ~ ''á'' (agreement prefixes for 1sg and 3pl unaccusatives), ''<u>ḕ</u>'' ~ ''<u>ḗ</u>'' "when" ~ "here"; ''àl'' ~ ''âl'' "also" ~ "chase (perfective imperative)", ''ch<u>ḕ</u>'' ~ ''ch<u>ê</u>'' "when" ~ "horse"; ''cául'' ~ ''câul'' "cattle" ~ "some", ''gṹ'' ~ ''gû'' "wise" ~ "hit". Note that length is not indicated on vowels with falling tone in the current orthography: this is because falling tone is generally only realized over long vowels or a vowel plus resonant (/j/, /l/, /m/, /n/). However, there are at least two words with falling tone realized before /t/, both of them minimally contrastive with high tone: ''bót'' ~ ''bôt'' "guts" ~ "because", ''chát'' ~ ''chât'' "door" ~ "cheque/check". (This behaviour contrasts with /p/: suffixation of /p/ to verbs with falling tone causes the vowel to shorten and become, simply, high, as in root ~ perfective pairs ''gû'' ~ ''góp'' "hit", ''kî'' ~ ''tép'' "exit".) One speaker has been recorded with the pronunciation /êtˀ/ ("big") in contrast to other speakers' /ét/ (the compounding form, ''êl'', as in ''êlmā̀'' "old woman", has falling tone).
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| The falling tone has glottalized realizations ([[creaky voice]], [[tense voice]], with [[glottal stop]]) in some contexts.
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| There are a number of [[tone sandhi]] effects.
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| ===Syllable and phonotactics===
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| Surface [[syllable]]s in Kiowa must consist of a vowel nucleus. [[Syllable onset]]s are optional and can consist of single consonant or a consonant followed by a palatal glide {{IPA|[j]}}. A single vowel may be followed by an optional [[syllable coda]] consonant or the vowel may optionally be long. Thus, the following syllables are found in Kiowa: {{IPA|V, CV, CjV, VC, CVC, CjVC, Vː, CVː, CjVː}}. This can be succinctly represented as the syllable equation below.
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| :<math>\left ( C \right ) \left ( j \right ) V \left ( \begin{Bmatrix}
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| C \\
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| :
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| \end{Bmatrix} \right ) + Tone</math>
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| A number of [[phonotactic]] restrictions are found limiting the possible combinations of sounds. These are discussed below.
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| '''Onset.''' All consonants can occurs as a single consonant onset. However, {{IPA|/l/}} only occurs word-initially in loan words (e.g., ''láyàn'' "lion", ''Láut'' "Lawton").
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| <!--
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| The palatal glide {{IPA|/j/}} can only follow velars {{IPA|/k, kʰ, kʼ, ɡ/}} (thus, only the following combinations are possible: {{IPA|/kj, kʰj, kʼj, ɡj/}}).
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| There are further restrictions on onset + nucleus combinatory possibilities: [[Apical consonant|apical]] [[obstruent]]s {{IPA|/t, tʰ, tʼ, d, ts, tsʼ, s, z/}} cannot occur before high-front {{IPA|/i/}}; [[dorsal consonant]]s {{IPA|/k, kʰ, kʼ, ɡ, j/}} cannot occur before {{IPA|/e/}}; only the onsets {{IPA|/pʰ, pʼ, k, kʰ, kʼ, ɡ, s, n, j/}} can
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| + {{IPA|/j/}} onsets only occur before low {{IPA|/a, ɔ/}} (i.e. only the following are possible: {{IPA|/kja, kʰja, kʼja, ɡja/}});<ref>This velar + {{IPA|/j/}} + {{IPA|/a/}} restriction can be explained by positing that the surface combinations {{IPA|/Kja/}} are underlying a velar followed by a diphthong {{IPA|/Kia/}}. (See [[#Vowels|vowel section]] above for further discussion.) This underlying diphthong analysis would obviously suggest a different underlying syllable specification as
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| :<math>\left ( C \right ) \left ( j \right ) V \left ( \begin{Bmatrix}
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| C \\
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| :
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| \end{Bmatrix} \right ) </math>
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| </ref> only velars {{IPA|/k, kʰ, kʼ, ɡ/}} can be followed a high-back vowel {{IPA|/u, uː, ũ, ũː/}}.<ref>Note about Hale's reconstruction...</ref> | |
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| -->
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| '''Nucleus'''. The [[syllable nucleus]] can be any vowel, which can be either short or long.
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| '''Coda.''' The coda position may be filled only by {{IPA|/p, t, m, n, l, j/}}. Palatal {{IPA|/j/}} only follows the vowels {{IPA|/u, o, ɔ, a/}} (i.e. the palatal may not occur after non-low front vowels).<ref>A phonetic palatal glide does follow mid-front {{IPA|/e/}}, but this is not considered phonemic and parallels the similar {{IPA|[w]}} off-glide following mid-back {{IPA|/o/}}.</ref>
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| ===Stress===
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| {{Empty section|date=June 2008}}
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| ==Notes==
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| {{reflist}}
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| ==See also==
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| * [[Kiowa language]]
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| ==Bibliography==
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| * Harrington, John P. (1928). ''Vocabulary of the Kiowa language''. Bureau of American Ethnology bulletin (No. 84). Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt. Print. Off.
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| * Merrifield, William R. (1959). The Kiowa verb prefix. ''International Journal of American Linguistics'', ''25'', 168-176.
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| * Sivertsen, Eva. (1956). Pitch problems in Kiowa. ''International Journal of American Linguistics'', ''22'', 117-30.
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| * Trager, Edith C. (1960). ''The Kiowa language: A grammatical study''. University of Pennsylvania. (Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania).
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| * Watkins, Laurel J.; & [[McKenzie, Parker]]. (1984). ''A grammar of Kiowa''. Studies in the anthropology of North American Indians. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 0-8032-4727-3.
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| * Wonderly, William; Gibson, Lornia; & Kirk, Paul. (1954). Number in Kiowa: Nouns, demonstratives, and adjectives. ''International Journal of American Linguistics'', ''20'', 1-7.
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| ==External links==
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| * [http://www.uapress.arizona.edu/lib/cache/excerpts/kiowa/kiowasng.htm The Power of Kiowa Song: A Collaborative Ethnography]
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| {{Language phonologies}}
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| {{DEFAULTSORT:Kiowa Phonology}}
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| [[Category:Language phonologies]]
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| [[Category:Kiowa language]]
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