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| A '''donkey pronoun''' is a [[pronoun]] that is [[Bound variable pronoun|bound]] in [[semantics]] but not [[syntax]].<ref>
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| Emar Maier describes donkey pronouns as "bound but not [[c-command]]ed" in a [[Linguist List]] [http://www.linguistlist.org/issues/17/17-3393.html review] of Paul D. Elbourne's ''Situations and Individuals'' ([[MIT Press]], 2006).</ref><ref>Barker and Shan define a donkey pronoun as
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| "a pronoun that lies outside the restrictor of a [[Quantification|quantifier]] or the [[Antecedent (grammar)|antecedent]] of a [[Conditional clause|conditional]], yet [[covariance|covaries]] with some [[quantification]]al element inside it, usually an [[indefinite]]." Chris Barker and Chung-chieh Shan, [http://www.semanticsarchive.net/Archive/2Y2ODI4Z/barker-shan-donkeys.pdf 'Donkey Anaphora is Simply Binding'], colloquium presentation, Frankfurt, 2007.</ref>
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| Some writers prefer the term '''donkey anaphora''', since it is the [[Reference|referential]] aspects and [[discourse]] or [[syntax|syntactic]] context that are of interest to researchers (see [[anaphora (linguistics)|anaphora]]). The terms '''d-type''' or '''e-type pronoun''' are also used, [[mutual exclusivity|mutually exclusively]], dependent on theoretical approach to [[interpretation (logic)|interpretation]]. A sentence containing a donkey pronoun is sometimes called a ''[[donkey sentence]]''.
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| The term ''donkey pronoun'' was coined from a [[counterexample]] provided by [[Peter Geach]] (1962) to [[Richard Montague]]'s proposal for a generalized formal representation of [[quantification]] in [[natural language]]. The example was reused by [[David Kellogg Lewis|David Lewis]] (1975), [[Gareth Evans (philosopher)|Gareth Evans]] (1977) and many others, and is still quoted in recent publications. The original donkey sentence is as follows.
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| *Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it. — [[Peter Geach]], ''Reference and Generality''
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| This sentence is significant because it represents a class of well-formed natural language sentences that defy straightforward attempts to generate their [[formal language]] equivalents. The difficulty is with understanding how English speakers [[parsing|parse]] the scope of quantification in such sentences.<ref>
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| Lewis describes this as his motivation for considering the issue in the introduction to ''Papers in Philosophical Logic'', a collection of reprints of his articles. "There was no satisfactory way to assign relative scopes to quantifier phrases." ([[Cambridge University Press|CUP]], 1998: 2.)</ref>
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| Additionally, the [[indefinite article]] 'a' is normally understood as an [[existential quantifier]], but the most natural reading of the donkey sentence requires it to be understood as a nested [[universal quantifier]]. There are other features of the sentence that require careful consideration for adequate description. (Notice, however, how reading "each" in place of "every" simplifies the formal analysis.)
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| The donkey pronoun in the example sentence is the word ''it''.
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| There is nothing wrong with donkey sentences; they are grammatically correct, they are well-formed, their syntax is regular. They are also logically meaningful, they have well-defined [[truth conditions]], their semantics are unambiguous. It is precisely this that makes them interesting. The difficulty is with explaining how syntactic elements give rise to the semantic result and in a way that generalizes consistently with all other language use. Then, for example, we could program a computer to accurately translate natural language forms into [[logical form]].<ref>Alistair Knott, [http://www.cs.otago.ac.nz/staffpriv/alik/papers/cirevision.pdf 'An Algorithmic Framework for Specifying the Semantics of Discourse Relations',] ''Computational Intelligence'' '''16''' (2000).</ref> The question is, how are natural language users, apparently effortlessly, agreeing on the meaning of sentences like these?
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| There may be several equivalent ways of describing this process. In fact, [[Hans Kamp]] (1981) and [[Irene Heim]] (1982) independently proposed very similar accounts in different terminology, which they called [[discourse representation theory]] (DRT) and [[file change semantics]] (FCS) respectively.
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| In 2007, Adrian Brasoveanu published studies of donkey pronoun analogs in [[Hindi]], and analysis of complex and [[modal logic|modal]] versions of donkey pronouns in English.
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| ==Discourse Representation Theory==
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| Donkey sentences became a major force in advancing [[semantics|semantic]] research in the 1980s, with the introduction of [[discourse representation theory]] (DRT). During that time, an effort was made to settle the inconsistencies which arose from the attempts to translate donkey sentences into [[first-order logic]].
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| Donkey sentences present the following problem, when represented in first-order logic: The systematic translation of every existential expression in the sentence into existential quantifiers produces an incorrect representation of the sentence, since it leaves a free occurrence of the variable y in BEAT(''x''.''y''):
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| : <math> \forall x\, (\text{FARMER} (x) \and \exists y \,( \text{DONKEY}(y) \and \text{OWNS}(x,y)) \rightarrow \text{BEAT}(x,y)) </math>
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| Trying to extend the scope of the existential quantifier also does not solve the problem:
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| : <math> \forall x \,\exists y\, (\text{FARMER} (x) \and \text{DONKEY}(y) \and \text{OWNS}(x,y) \rightarrow \text{BEAT}(x,y)) </math>
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| In this case, the logical translation fails to give correct truth conditions to donkey sentences: Imagine a situation where there is a farmer owning a donkey and a pig, and not beating any of them. The formula will be true in that situation, because for each farmer we need to find at least one object that either is not a donkey owned by this farmer, or is beaten by the farmer. Hence, if this object denotes the pig, the sentence will be true in that situation.
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| A correct translation into first-order logic for the donkey sentence seems to be:
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| : <math> \forall x\, \forall y\, (\text{FARMER} (x) \and \text{DONKEY}(y) \and \text{OWNS}(x,y) \rightarrow \text{BEAT}(x,y)) </math>
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| Unfortunately, this translation leads to a serious problem of inconsistency. Indefinites must sometimes be interpreted as existential quantifiers, and other times as universal quantifiers, without any apparent regularity.
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| The solution that [[Discourse representation theory|DRT]] provides for the donkey sentence problem can be roughly outlined as follows: The common semantic function of non-anaphoric [[noun phrase]]s is the introduction of a new [[discourse referent]], which is in turn available for the binding of anaphoric expressions. No quantifiers are introduced into the representation, thus overcoming the scope problem that the logical translations had.
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| ==See also==
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| *[[Epsilon calculus]]
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| *[[Generic antecedent]]
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| *[[Lambda calculus]]
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| *[[Montague grammar]]
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| *[[Singular they]]
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| *[[Donkey sentence]]
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| ==Notes==
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| {{Reflist}}
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| ==Further reading==
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| {{Refbegin|colwidth=30em}}
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| *Abbott, Barbara. [http://www.springerlink.com/content/h341505636560743/ 'Donkey Demonstratives'.] ''[[Natural Language Semantics]]'' '''10''' (2002): 285–298.
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| *Barker, Chris. 'Individuation and Quantification'. ''[[Linguistic Inquiry]]'' '''30''' (1999): 683–691.
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| *Barker, Chris. 'Presuppositions for Proportional Quantifiers'. ''[[Natural Language Semantics]]'' '''4''' (1996): 237–259.
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| *Brasoveanu, Adrian. ''Structured Nominal and Modal Reference''. [[Rutgers University]] PhD [[dissertation]], 2007.
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| *Burgess, John P. '''E Pluribus Unum'': Plural Logic and Set Theory', ''Philosophia Mathematica'' '''12''' (2004): 193–221.
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| *Cheng, Lisa LS and C-T James Huang. [http://www.springerlink.com/content/gh791025x82x6766/ 'Two Types of Donkey Sentences'.] ''[[Natural Language Semantics]]'' '''4''' (1996): 121–163.
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| *Cohen, Ariel. ''Think Generic!'' Stanford, California: [[Center for the Study of Language and Information|CSLI Publications]], 1999.
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| *Conway, L. and S. Crain. 'Donkey Anaphora in Child Grammar'. In ''Proceedings of the North East Linguistics Society'' (NELS) '''25'''. [[University of Massachusetts Amherst]], 1995.
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| *[[Gareth Evans (philosopher)|Evans, Gareth]]. 'Pronouns'. ''[[Linguistic Inquiry]]'' '''11''' (1980): 337–362.
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| *[[Peter Geach|Geach Peter]]. ''Reference and Generality: An Examination of Some Medieval and Modern Theories''. Ithaca, New York: [[Cornell University Press]], 1962.
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| *Geurts, Bart. ''Presuppositions and Pronouns''. Oxford: [[Elsevier]], 1999.
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| *Harman, Gilbert. 'Anaphoric Pronouns as Bound Variables: Syntax or Semantics?' ''[[Language (journal)|Language]]'' '''52''' (1976): 78–81.
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| *[[Irene Heim|Heim, Irene]]. [http://www.springerlink.com/content/u533354617l67818/ 'E-Type Pronouns and Donkey Anaphora'.] ''[http://www.springer.com/linguistics/semantics/journal/10988 Linguistics and Philosophy]'' '''13''' (1990): 137–177.
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| *[[Irene Heim|Heim, Irene]]. ''The Semantics of Definite and Indefinite Noun Phrases''. [[University of Massachusetts Amherst]] PhD [[dissertation]], 1982.
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| *Just, MA. 'Comprehending Quantified Sentences: The Relation between Sentencepicture and Semantic Memory Verification'. ''[[Cognitive Psychology]]'' '''6''' (1974): 216–236.
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| *Just, MA and PA Carpenter. 'Comprehension of Negation with Quantification'. ''Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior'' '''10''' (1971): 244–253.
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| *Kanazawa, Makoto. [http://www.springerlink.com/content/h1145h642pr81r5r/ 'Singular Donkey Pronouns Are Semantically Singular'.] ''[http://www.springer.com/linguistics/semantics/journal/10988 Linguistics and Philosophy]'' '''24''' (2001): 383–403.
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| *Kanazawa, Makoto. 'Weak vs. Strong Readings of Donkey Sentences and Monotonicity Inference in a Dynamic Setting'. ''[http://www.springer.com/linguistics/semantics/journal/10988 Linguistics and Philosophy]'' '''17''' (1994): 109–158.
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| *[[Manfred Krifka|Krifka, Manfred]]. 'Pragmatic Strengthening in Plural Predications and Donkey Sentences'. In ''Proceedings from Semantics and Linguistic Theory'' (SALT) '''6'''. Ithaca, New York: [[Cornell University]], 1996. Pages 136–153.
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| *Lappin, Shalom. 'An Intensional Parametric Semantics for Vague Quantifiers'. ''[http://www.springer.com/linguistics/semantics/journal/10988 Linguistics and Philosophy]'' '''23''' (2000): 599–620.
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| *Lappin, Shalom Lappin and Nissim Francez. 'E-type Pronouns, i-Sums, and Donkey Anaphora'. ''[http://www.springer.com/linguistics/semantics/journal/10988 Linguistics and Philosophy]'' '''17''' (1994): 391–428.
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| *Lappin, Shalom. 'Donkey Pronouns Unbound'. ''[[Theoretical Linguistics (journal)|Theoretical Linguistics]]'' '''15''' (1989): 263–286.
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| *[[David Kellogg Lewis|Lewis, David]]. ''Parts of Classes'', Oxford: [[Blackwell Publishing]], 1991.
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| *[[David Kellogg Lewis|Lewis, David]]. 'General Semantics'. ''Synthese'' '''22''' (1970): 18–27.
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| *[[Barbara Partee|Partee, Barbara H]]. 'Opacity, Coreference, and Pronouns'. ''Synthese'' '''21''' (1970): 359–385.
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| *[[Richard Montague|Montague, Richard]]. 'Universal Grammar'. ''Theoria'' '''26''' (1970): 373–398.
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| *[[Stephen Neale|Neale, Stephen]]. ''Descriptions''. Cambridge: [[MIT Press]], 1990.
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| *[[Stephen Neale|Neale, Stephen]]. 'Descriptive Pronouns and Donkey Anaphora'. ''[[Journal of Philosophy]]'' '''87''' (1990): 113-150.
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| *[[Willard Van Orman Quine|Quine, Willard Van Orman]]. ''[[Word and Object]]''. Cambridge, Massachusetts: [[MIT Press]], 1970.
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| *Rooij, Robert van. [http://jos.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/abstract/23/4/383 'Free Choice Counterfactual Donkeys'.] ''[[Journal of Semantics]]'' '''23''' (2006): 383–402.
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| *Yoon, Y-E. ''Weak and Strong Interpretations of Quantifiers and Definite NPs in English and Korean''. [[University of Texas at Austin]] PhD [[dissertation]], 1994.
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| * Kamp, Hans. and Reyle, U. 1993. From Discourse to Logic. Kluwer, Dordrecht.
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| * Kadmon, N. 2001. Formal Pragmatics: Semantics, Pragmatics, Presupposition, and Focus. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
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| {{Refend}}
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| ==External links==
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| * [http://www.ims.uni-stuttgart.de/~hans/hpl-drt.pdf The Handbook of Philosophical Logic]
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| * [http://homepages.cwi.nl/~jve/papers/05/drt/drt.pdf Discourse Representation Theory]
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| * [http://www.alta.asn.au/events/altss_w2003_proc/public_lectures/knott/knott.html Introduction to Discourse Representation Theory]
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| * [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/discourse-representation-theory/ SEP Entry]
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| * [http://www.csi.uottawa.ca/~kbarker/teach/5386/donkey.html Archive of CSI 5386 Donkey Sentence Discussion]
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| *Barker, Chris. [http://books.google.com.au/books?id=ZIqGqn98OOMC&pg=PA303&lpg=PA303&dq=%22a+presuppositional+account+of+proportional+ambiguity%22&source=web&ots=0CAAK5sHZ8&sig=2DamB3jw3NRit9ebKBHXd7S2kwE&hl=en 'A Presuppositional Account of Proportional Ambiguity'.] In ''Proceedings of Semantic and Linguistic Theory'' (SALT) '''3'''. Ithaca, New York: [[Cornell University]], 1993. Pages 1–18.
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| *Brasoveanu, Adrian. [http://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/2FlYTZjO/donkey_pluralities_aug2007.html 'Donkey Pluralities: Plural Information States vs. Non-Atomic Individuals'.] In ''Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung'' '''11'''. Edited by E. Puig-Waldmüller. Barcelona: [[Pompeu Fabra University]], 2007. Pages 106–120.
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| *[[Gareth Evans (philosopher)|Evans, Gareth]]. 'Pronouns, Quantifiers, and Relative Clauses (I)'. ''Canadian Journal of Philosophy'' '''7''' (1977): 467–536.
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| *Geurts, Bart. [http://www.ru.nl/ncs/bart/papers/donkeys.pdf 'Donkey Business'.] ''[http://www.springer.com/linguistics/semantics/journal/10988 Linguistics and Philosophy]'' '''25''' (2002): 129–156.
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| *Huang, C-T James. [http://books.google.com.au/books?id=EHuiqtSwgv8C&pg=PR6&lpg=PR6&dq=logical+form+james+huang+university&source=web&ots=ApZYb_mjwz&sig=Y_HCVE4B51WqrsZkpPjXDKFTcOY&hl=en 'Logical Form'.] Chapter 3 in ''Government and Binding Theory and the Minimalist Program: Principles and Parameters in Syntactic Theory'' edited by Gert Webelhuth. Oxford and Cambridge: [[Blackwell Publishing]], 1995. Pages 127–177.
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| *[[Hans Kamp|Kamp, Hans]]. [http://books.google.com.au/books?hl=en&lr=&id=clYhtZ3RdTIC&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=hans+kamp&ots=VpW0df39DM&sig=t_IQKL__NvUhJay3INoH7Bjdjlc 'A Theory of Truth and Semantic Representation'.] In J. Groenendijk and others (eds.). ''Formal Methods in the Study of Language''. Amsterdam: Mathematics Center, 1981.
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| *Kitagawa, Yoshihishi. [http://books.google.com.au/books?id=GA1Mr2xx5rUC&pg=PA54&lpg=PA54&dq=%22donkey+pronoun%22&source=web&ots=C19MpQ4-44&sig=o5tUkGAsG1pfOK6aRTZVKs28Z5s&hl=en 'Copying Variables'.] Chapter 2 in ''Functional Structure(s), Form and Interpretation: Perspectives from East Asian Languages''. Edited by Yen-hui Audrey Li and others. [[Routledge]], 2003. Pages 28–64.
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| *[[David Kellogg Lewis|Lewis, David]]. [http://books.google.com.au/books?id=Iqx80pAilKcC&pg=PA97&dq=%22adverbs+of+quantification%22+%22cast+of+characters%22&sig=XUVYIRzLEjd-nPAi_2wq-J1DcdA 'Adverbs of Quantification'.] In ''Formal Semantics of Natural Language''. Edited by Edward L Keenan. Cambridge: [[Cambridge University Press]], 1975. Pages 3–15.
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| *[[Richard Montague|Montague, Richard]]. [http://semantics.uchicago.edu/kennedy/classes/s08/semantics2/montague73.pdf 'The Proper Treatment of Quantification in Ordinary English'.] In KJJ Hintikka and others (eds). ''Proceedings of the 1970 Stanford Workshop on Grammar and Semantics''. Dordrecht: Reidel, 1973. Pages 212–242.
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| {{lexical categories|state=collapsed}}
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| [[Category:Pronouns]]
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| [[Category:Quantification]]
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